Giancarlo Iacchini i (MRS) writes:
" the points listed by his sacred Silvano Mulas, we add the Movement RadicalSocialista à the centrality of the ecological question, as has been said that is not absolutely inseparable from that socio-economic (capitalism is the mechanism that exploits and destroys nature, but also the doctrine of unlimited growth - the "development of productive forces" - common also to the Marxist tradition). Next, as regards the 'uniqueness' of the NPA in the fight to those who have no income, do not overdo it: some years been the proposed r eddito of citizenship for all (even the liberal-radical years Ernesto Rossi 60) as essential to guarantee that job insecurity does not become the precariousness of life. In summary, however, fully agree with the motto "Freedom and Justice" as the ideal synthesis of liberal and socialist traditions (we often speak of "equal liberty") and I think, as Silvano knows having spoken to our Congress, that the Manifesto RadicalSocialismo express the same values \u200b\u200band ideals instances.
The problem, dear friends, is not divided according to their choices of belonging, as unfortunately happens in the current crisis of the left, where, despite the existence of a common feeling, you cling to ever more subtle differences the illusion that it can survive and revive the old form of party-church, with aspirations of self-assertion, but to converge - although starting from different points of view and different experiences-on a world view and a social project widely shared, agreed action by offering ideas, proposals and energy able to feed and strengthen the overall process of change.
The company exists to bring together energy and capacity, so that everyone can enjoy the maximum freedom compatible with that of all others, never forgetting that the individual depends on luck, chance and input from all others, without exception.
Whatever our choice of reference, the important thing is to fight (but firmly) the same struggle for freedom, for justice, for a new economy which respects the environmental equilibrium in the knowledge that the relationship between needs and resources should remain stable if you do not want to suffer unintended consequences and, now, disastrous.
This means that we must finally confront, without fear, with different criteria than those followed up to here, the problem of distribution of wealth produced by human labor, on the basis of unlimited resources and the need to consume to the extent necessary, but also, in large part, to preserve without diluting.
We, in particular, to adhere to New Action Party, we were motivated by a desire to reconnect to an experience and a tradition which is the purest source of political democracy in Italy and, despite the high contribution of development of all those who are recognized as the founding fathers of the Republic, dating back to Giuseppe Mazzini, that democracy was the furthest point of the Risorgimento.
But there is no chauvinism in our party, because we know that the Action Party, which is our model, it was a party other than mass parties, closed in on themselves, and all-encompassing perpetual competition with each other, so that the people's interests were often sacrificed to the particularistic logic of its growth and success. The PDA, on the contrary, since the time of the liberation struggle, was a party all projected to achieve the objectives of general interest and universal value, open to the spontaneous processes of civil society and whose strength, beyond the numbers, while substantial, its activists, was mostly in its ideas and the passion with which he fought for them.
was a new company that proposed that the shareholders with their 'democratic revolution ' , based on public participation in all decisions of collective interest, on the principle of election and control from below their representatives in the institutions, public offices, army and larger firms.
A society that, to grow and remain free. was, of course, keep the market economy , but the 'market', however, could properly be called 'free' only if it were eliminated the "laissez-faire economy initial tare" and that the inequality of starting points. Until, in fact, the economic disparities between citizens remain excessive, the market will be a game reserve for some and a conditional access for others.
This proposed shareholders social reforms so radical as to fade all the other parties of the left. First, he was placed as a goal of social democracy guarantee an income of a home, s ' education and all other rights to every citizen, made possible by a policy of drastic' fiscal equalization ', which was to hit the higher incomes. Secondly it was proposed that a reform of inheritance law , with the seizure of the estate - as well as a share of the estate left to the availability-based on the principle that the property essentially is justified only as the result of individual work and each parasitic form must be progressively eliminated.
Finally the assumption that " a political democracy is incompatible with the existence of an oligarchy within its economic " (R. Lombardi, The Pd'A. What is it and what he wants , 1945) was proposed the confiscation without compensation, except for a portion, of the great assets and democratization of the management of large companies.
This was the battle that Ernesto Rossi (for mere historical accuracy: shareholder before the 'radical', undersecretary of Reconstruction in the Parri Government and president of ARA (Company Survey Alienation residues)) conducted against 'the masters of steam ' along with that against the power of the Vatican, in identifying these two main provisions of the 'reaction' in Italy. The same Ernesto Rossi, who in ' Abolish Poverty' , written in 1948, pointed to poverty in the by-product of a capitalist economy left free to develop according to the logic for profit, and suggested as a measure of contrast (which is now urgent resume) the economy to two sectors and the 'E Serchio of work'.
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