For many years, Milan, a city long socialist tradition, made a wall against the party of former Mayor Tognoli of Pillitteri, Craxi, as did the square around the pool of magistrates 'Clean Hands', the scandal of the century, in which the Socialists were part of the main accused in the general uprising for the restoration of law against corruption in the country.
None but those directly affected by the cyclone record, then spoke of perverse obstinacy of the judiciary and its alleged politicization, as was the case, however, in the so-called Second Republic, with the change of the political environment and its actors, but vices not atavistic power. Indeed, the fortunes of the League and the nascent party Forza Italy were built on the wave of 'justicialism' time, taking advantage of public anger against those who had disclosed, or were held up as the most responsible for the Italian disaster, so that, since then, Milan has risen steadily subject to review by the center-right.
Today, ten years after the death of the leader of Italian socialism (after Nenni and Turati), which marked the culmination of the war and, together, the end of hope in one, the truth is very problematic, and rehabilitation ' beginning of the diaspora, without rest and without peace, socialists, by those who have taken full advantage of their misfortune comes to the initiative of a public redemption symbolic post-mortem with the naming of a street Craxi in Milan. With what feelings
Milan, who, as a lover disappointed and hurt in their pride. to date has exorcised its socialist past, turning in revulsion and hatred the primitive love, welcome to the proposal of Mayor Moratti?
Even the Socialists - who have not changed in the meantime, jacket, denying, along with the name, the principles of socialist democracy, those who have remained loyal to the identification of socialism and the left, the still point of the thought of Craxi - would have hoped time.
Disoriented by reductive simplification of the bipolar political system and still under the influence of a historical trauma that has befallen them as an unexpected avalanche, they are in the situation more uncomfortable and humiliating: having to assist in the resumption of a political to the left, under conditions of extreme weakness, allied to strength, but still compete with the largest party in support of a center-left, where it is difficult not to see a new edition of the old PCI, with the same hegemonic pretensions, with the same aspiration for monopoly of the left, with the same indulgent tendency to bypass the Allies through compromise with the forces of conservatism and tradition.
Even if the 'conspiracy theory' is just the comforting fantasy of which the Socialists have made the screen to avoid the painful recognition of one's own faults and mistakes, you can not even deny the disastrous consequences of the line 'historic compromise', which, despite the attempt to dignify by the adjective, it was (and is) a different kind of a definitive turnaround compared to the raison d'être of the Left: an unconditional surrender and disarmament of the progressive forces in relation to the strong powers of Italian society (the Church, economic oligarchies, the privileged classes, corporations), a waiver of the change, a flattening of existence, namely the neutralization of politics reduced to mere administration, the betrayal of the toiling masses, the sell-off, for some parochial revenue, the collective hope in a democracy in which individuals should be more free, because more and more alike.
In the political aspect, the responsibilities PCI were, therefore, far more serious than those of a judicial nature which caused the downfall of the socialist and consisted in having pursued at all costs a privileged relationship with the Christian Democrats, without understanding and interfering in every way design consistently and, to a certain time, skill and courage developed by Craxi, a plan that - given the unequal balance of power - was the only real chance to lead the country towards a turning point of real change, modernity, secularism.
From this point of view, objectively, the figure of Craxi stands out above everything and everyone.
do not know if he may be called truly a statesman, as a statesman is one who knows commisurare means to ends and knows that when the media is unfair, you may produce heavy shadow that ends up obscuring even the best intentions, creating the undifferentiated twilight mist, which that followed the failure of his attempt, resulting in horrible resurrect ghosts. But, of course, Craxi was the last of the political far-sighted and courageous and was loyal to the communist cousins, who repeatedly tried to associate his titanic enterprise, encouraging even the legitimacy in the International Socialist.
He was not, however, countered with the same currency, so the awards have come retrospectively from the world of the left have echoed, more or less, all of the dull clink of the smash, revealing the ambiguity of bad conscience.
But, even more so the socialists should be wary of a rehabilitation of the people under the banner of freedom, which has all the features of a political party. Indeed, under the pretext of peace, of love and desire for dialogue, is clearly attempting to create another side in the battle against the alleged persecution of the 'red togas', the alleged 'judges' that would claim, bypassing the vote of the sovereign people, to liquidate Berlusconi judicially, as would happen with Craxi. But the 'conspiracy theory' is a myth of coverage, in both cases.
other hand, this operation is to establish a continuity between the battles of freedom, emancipation, social justice, secularism and cultural and institutional modernization of the country and opposing policies of right-wing reactionary, based on the fact that most of the old social framework is merged in arming and is part of the Berlusconi government. So you want to stir the waters, hiding the transform of a political class, which has disowned its past and today is to share a picture of oligarchic restoration and be party to discriminatory policies, such as those fielded by the League.
Rather than rejoice in belated recognition of the current winners and insincere, like Manzoni's 'vulgar lost', the socialists should close ranks and return, along with other secular forces the discussion of "social project", the "Great Reformation" link on the 'merits, needs' looking to capitalize on the real, substantial, Craxi and legacy of the period by reference to the major policy for which there is an urgent need in Italy.
None but those directly affected by the cyclone record, then spoke of perverse obstinacy of the judiciary and its alleged politicization, as was the case, however, in the so-called Second Republic, with the change of the political environment and its actors, but vices not atavistic power. Indeed, the fortunes of the League and the nascent party Forza Italy were built on the wave of 'justicialism' time, taking advantage of public anger against those who had disclosed, or were held up as the most responsible for the Italian disaster, so that, since then, Milan has risen steadily subject to review by the center-right.
Today, ten years after the death of the leader of Italian socialism (after Nenni and Turati), which marked the culmination of the war and, together, the end of hope in one, the truth is very problematic, and rehabilitation ' beginning of the diaspora, without rest and without peace, socialists, by those who have taken full advantage of their misfortune comes to the initiative of a public redemption symbolic post-mortem with the naming of a street Craxi in Milan. With what feelings
Milan, who, as a lover disappointed and hurt in their pride. to date has exorcised its socialist past, turning in revulsion and hatred the primitive love, welcome to the proposal of Mayor Moratti?
Even the Socialists - who have not changed in the meantime, jacket, denying, along with the name, the principles of socialist democracy, those who have remained loyal to the identification of socialism and the left, the still point of the thought of Craxi - would have hoped time.
Disoriented by reductive simplification of the bipolar political system and still under the influence of a historical trauma that has befallen them as an unexpected avalanche, they are in the situation more uncomfortable and humiliating: having to assist in the resumption of a political to the left, under conditions of extreme weakness, allied to strength, but still compete with the largest party in support of a center-left, where it is difficult not to see a new edition of the old PCI, with the same hegemonic pretensions, with the same aspiration for monopoly of the left, with the same indulgent tendency to bypass the Allies through compromise with the forces of conservatism and tradition.
Even if the 'conspiracy theory' is just the comforting fantasy of which the Socialists have made the screen to avoid the painful recognition of one's own faults and mistakes, you can not even deny the disastrous consequences of the line 'historic compromise', which, despite the attempt to dignify by the adjective, it was (and is) a different kind of a definitive turnaround compared to the raison d'être of the Left: an unconditional surrender and disarmament of the progressive forces in relation to the strong powers of Italian society (the Church, economic oligarchies, the privileged classes, corporations), a waiver of the change, a flattening of existence, namely the neutralization of politics reduced to mere administration, the betrayal of the toiling masses, the sell-off, for some parochial revenue, the collective hope in a democracy in which individuals should be more free, because more and more alike.
In the political aspect, the responsibilities PCI were, therefore, far more serious than those of a judicial nature which caused the downfall of the socialist and consisted in having pursued at all costs a privileged relationship with the Christian Democrats, without understanding and interfering in every way design consistently and, to a certain time, skill and courage developed by Craxi, a plan that - given the unequal balance of power - was the only real chance to lead the country towards a turning point of real change, modernity, secularism.
From this point of view, objectively, the figure of Craxi stands out above everything and everyone.
do not know if he may be called truly a statesman, as a statesman is one who knows commisurare means to ends and knows that when the media is unfair, you may produce heavy shadow that ends up obscuring even the best intentions, creating the undifferentiated twilight mist, which that followed the failure of his attempt, resulting in horrible resurrect ghosts. But, of course, Craxi was the last of the political far-sighted and courageous and was loyal to the communist cousins, who repeatedly tried to associate his titanic enterprise, encouraging even the legitimacy in the International Socialist.
He was not, however, countered with the same currency, so the awards have come retrospectively from the world of the left have echoed, more or less, all of the dull clink of the smash, revealing the ambiguity of bad conscience.
But, even more so the socialists should be wary of a rehabilitation of the people under the banner of freedom, which has all the features of a political party. Indeed, under the pretext of peace, of love and desire for dialogue, is clearly attempting to create another side in the battle against the alleged persecution of the 'red togas', the alleged 'judges' that would claim, bypassing the vote of the sovereign people, to liquidate Berlusconi judicially, as would happen with Craxi. But the 'conspiracy theory' is a myth of coverage, in both cases.
other hand, this operation is to establish a continuity between the battles of freedom, emancipation, social justice, secularism and cultural and institutional modernization of the country and opposing policies of right-wing reactionary, based on the fact that most of the old social framework is merged in arming and is part of the Berlusconi government. So you want to stir the waters, hiding the transform of a political class, which has disowned its past and today is to share a picture of oligarchic restoration and be party to discriminatory policies, such as those fielded by the League.
Rather than rejoice in belated recognition of the current winners and insincere, like Manzoni's 'vulgar lost', the socialists should close ranks and return, along with other secular forces the discussion of "social project", the "Great Reformation" link on the 'merits, needs' looking to capitalize on the real, substantial, Craxi and legacy of the period by reference to the major policy for which there is an urgent need in Italy.
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